When the Stars Are Aligned
In 1998 the sociologist Lynne G. Zucker and the
economist Michael Darby came up with a surprising theory. In a fascinating and
now classic article and in a series of subsequent studies, they argued that
what really explains the location and success of private biotech companies is
the presence of academic stars—researchers who have published the most articles
reporting specific gene-sequencing discoveries. Among
top universities, some institutions happened to have on their faculty stars in
the particular subfield of biology that matters for biotech; others had
comparable research standing but did not have stars in that specific subfield.
The former group created a local cluster of private biotech firms while the
latter did not. The data suggest that the magnetic effect of academic stars is
impressive. Zucker and Darby estimate that stars are more important than
proximity to venture capital firms or the effect of government funding. It is
not just that stars explain where and when biotech startups appear on the map;
they also affect which startups survive and thrive and which ones stuggle and
disappear.
As Zucker and Darby point out, success in high
technology, especially in its formative years, comes down to a small number of
extraordinary scientists with vision and a mastery of breakthrough technology.
Indeed, we can’t overestimate the impact that these unusual individuals have on
the economic development of cities and regions. With $350 billion in total
investment worldwide to date, almost four hundred biotech medicines, and one
thousand experimental compounds currently in clinical trials, the biotech
industry can bring thousands of good jobs and considerable prosperity to a
community.
There are two reasons for the power of stars.
First, scientists and researchers in private-sector startups need to be
physically close to frontier academic research in order to remain on the
cutting edge. Attending regular academic seminars, engaging in informal
discussions, and hearing what others are working on and what progress they are
making are critical to forming and developing new ideas. Employees of
private-sector research firms can reap the benefits of these knowledge
spillovers only when their labs are physically close to those of top academic
researchers. A second reason is that stars are often personally involved in the
creation of leading private-sector startups. Zucker and Darby find that the
typical pattern is for an academic entrepreneur to help establish a firm in the
gene-sequencing area that he has pioneered while he is still on the faculty at
a university.
The moral of the story is that Cambridge, San
Diego, and the Bay Area were lucky. Where the stars lived when biotech emerged
in the mid-1970s was to some extent random: it could have been any of the 187
American cities with a university, or at least one of the 20 cities with a top
biology department. But what happened later was not random: the
self-reinforcing nature of clusters means that once a cluster has started, it
keeps attracting companies and workers. First movers benefit from this lock-in
effect, and early advantages become magnified over time. The attractive nature
of economic development ensures that even today the industry keeps
agglomerating in Cambridge, San Diego, and the Bay Area.
Although the impact of stars on the creation of startups is fading over time as
the industry matures, their effect on the local economy is long-lasting.
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