Your Salary Depends More on Where You Live Than on Your Résumé
Here is a question for you: Which large city pays
computer scientists the most? As you might expect, computer scientists in San
Jose and San Francisco, the country’s high-tech capitals, are the best paid in
the nation (and the world). The average computer scientist in San Francisco and
San Jose makes $130,000 annually. The same person in Boston or New York or
Washington, D.C., would make 25 to 40 percent less.
Here is another question: Which city pays
lawyers the most? I must admit that I got this one wrong. Before looking at the
data, I was expecting New York and Washington, D.C., to have the highest-paid
lawyers in America. The image I had was of high-powered lawyers in $5,000
tailor-made suits brokering billion-dollar deals in the centers of finance and
power. And although New York and Washington do have the largest number of
lawyers among American cities, they do not have the highest-paid lawyers. Using
data collected by the Census Bureau, I discovered that San Jose is the city
where lawyers earn the most—an average of over $200,000 a year—and San
Francisco is not too far down the list. Lawyers in
cities at the other end of the spectrum—Albany, Buffalo, and Sacramento—tend to
make less than half what lawyers earn in San Jose.
For waiters, the place to be is Las Vegas. A
waiter in one of the city’s most luxurious restaurants can earn six figures.
But even waiters working in normal establishments do well in Sin City. The
typical waiter makes $18.20 an hour, tips included—the highest average hourly
wage in any large metropolitan area. This is probably not too surprising: in
one of the world’s preeminent adult entertainment destinations, Las Vegas
waiters benefit from the generous tipping associated with gambling and other
vices. The cities that come next on the list are more telling. San Francisco,
Seattle, Boston, and Washington, D.C., are ranked numbers two through five. San
Diego is number seven. Of the top ten cities for waiters, three are purely
tourist destinations (Las Vegas, Orlando, and West Palm Beach) but seven are
cities with a strong high-tech presence.
Remarkably, the same is true of other jobs, in
both the traded and non-traded sectors. The ranking for industrial production
managers is dominated by San Jose, Austin, Portland, San Francisco,
Raleigh-Durham, and Seattle—all innovation hubs. For barbers and hairstylists,
San Francisco, Boston, and Washington, D.C., are in the top five. These workers
earn on average 40 percent more than their counterparts in Riverside and
Detroit. For cooks, Boston tops the list, with an average yearly salary of
$31,782, and Houston and San Antonio are at the bottom, at about $20,000. For
architects, San Francisco leads the pack. If you detect a pattern here, you are
right.
In principle, the lawyers, hairstylists, and
managers in Boston and San Francisco could just be better at their jobs than
the ones in Houston, Riverside, and Detroit. Maybe they are more experienced,
smarter, or more motivated. But the salary differences do not change all that
much when we take into consideration work experience, level of education, or
even IQ. The workers themselves aren’t that different; what is different is the
local economy that surrounds them—especially the number of skilled workers.
Forty years ago, the rich areas in America were
manufacturing capitals with an abundance of physical capital. Cleveland, Flint,
and Detroit had significantly higher average incomes than Raleigh and Austin.
Today human capital is the best predictor of high salaries both for individuals
and for communities. Average income in Raleigh-Durham and Austin is
significantly higher than in Cleveland, Flint, and Detroit. The presence of
many college-educated residents changes the local economy in profound ways,
affecting both the kinds of jobs available to residents and the productivity of
all workers. In the end, this results in high wages not just for the skilled
workers but also for workers with limited skills. This is the most surprising
part of the story, and it deserves to be told in some detail.
The workforces in American communities have vastly
different skill levels. Map 2 shows just how different.
It displays the percent of workers in each metropolitan area with a college
education or more. To obtain a precise measurement of the differences among
metropolitan areas, I used data on 15.4 million workers between the ages of 25
and 60 living in 306 metropolitan areas from the American Community Survey,
which is collected every year by the Census Bureau. The census defines
metropolitan areas to include not just the political boundaries of a city but
also its neighboring communities, to the extent that they are part of the same
local labor market as suggested by commuting patterns. Thus metropolitan areas
are economically integrated regions that include places where people tend to
live and work. The New York metro area, for example, includes New York City and
its suburbs in Long Island, New Jersey, Connecticut, and Westchester County.
(Throughout this book, I use the terms city and metropolitan area interchangeably.)
The map shows marked regional differences in
schooling levels: the Northeast and coastal California tend to have many more
college graduates than cities in the South and the Midwest, for example. But
even more interesting is the fact that within each region, and even within each
state, there are enormous differences across cities. For example, the South and
the Midwest have large clusters of college graduates in cities such as Atlanta
and Denver, surrounded by areas with very few college graduates.
Imagine ranking American cities by the percentage
of local workers with a college degree. Table 1 shows the large metropolitan
areas that are at the top of such a list—America’s brain hubs. The table is dominated by several of the main
innovation hubs—cities such as Washington, D.C., Boston, San Jose, Raleigh, San
Francisco, Seattle, Austin, and Minneapolis—as well as smaller cities with
large universities, such as Madison, Ann Arbor, Fort Collins–Loveland, and
Lincoln. In these cities, almost half of the labor force is college-educated,
and a significant fraction has a postgraduate degree. Portland, New York, and
Denver are also in the top group.
Table 2 shows the metropolitan areas that are
at the bottom of the list. This group includes Vineland-Milville-Bridgetown,
New Jersey; Yuma, Arizona; Flint, Michigan; and of course Visalia, the
California community that we encountered at the beginning of this book. In
these cities only one in ten workers has a college degree and there is
virtually no high-tech presence.
The sheer size of the differences between
American communities is staggering. Stamford, Connecticut, the city with the
largest percentage of college-educated workers in the United States, has five times the number of college graduates per capita as the
city at the bottom, Merced, California. This difference is enormous and much
larger than the difference that we typically see in European countries. Indeed,
it’s much larger than the difference in schooling levels between the United
States and many developing countries, such as Sri Lanka (three times), Bolivia
(three times), and Ghana (four times). It is not just the American-born
residents that are creating this education gap. The majority of immigrants who
settle in the first group tend to be highly educated professionals, while the
majority of immigrants in the second group have low levels of schooling.
These facts are not just fodder for dinner-party
conversations. Differences in educational levels are associated with huge
differences in salary. The tables indicate that college graduates in brain hubs
make between $70,000 and $80,000 a year, or about 50 percent more than college
graduates in the bottom group. Compare San Jose, number five from the top, with
Merced, at the very bottom. Both cities are in California, less than 100 miles
apart, but their labor markets belong to two different universes. San Jose, in
the heart of Silicon Valley, has more than four times the number of college
graduates per capita as Merced and salaries that are 40 percent higher for
college graduates and a whopping 130 percent higher for workers with a high
school diploma.
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