ETROPOLITAN AREAS WITH THE LARGEST SHARE OF WORKERS WITH A COLLEGE DEGREE
|
Rank
|
Percentage with college degree
|
Salary of college graduates
|
Salary of high school graduates
|
Stamford, CT
|
1
|
56%
|
$133,479
|
$107,301
|
Washington, DC/MD/VA
|
2
|
49%
|
$80,872
|
$67,140
|
Boston, MA/NH
|
3
|
47%
|
$75,173
|
$62,423
|
Madison, WI
|
4
|
47%
|
$61,888
|
$52,542
|
San Jose, CA
|
5
|
47%
|
$87,033
|
$68,009
|
Ann Arbor, MI
|
6
|
46%
|
$65,452
|
$55,456
|
Raleigh-Durham, NC
|
7
|
44%
|
$63,745
|
$50,853
|
San Francisco–Oakland, CA
|
8
|
44%
|
$77,381
|
$60,546
|
Fort Collins–Loveland, CO
|
9
|
44%
|
$57,391
|
$47,007
|
Seattle-Everett, WA
|
10
|
42%
|
$68,025
|
$55,001
|
Trenton, NJ
|
11
|
42%
|
$81,914
|
$64,299
|
Lexington-Fayette, KY
|
12
|
41%
|
$55,238
|
$44,915
|
Austin, TX
|
13
|
41%
|
$62,289
|
$48,809
|
Portland, OR
|
14
|
40%
|
$57,366
|
$48,080
|
Minneapolis–St. Paul, MN
|
15
|
40%
|
$69,955
|
$57,187
|
Denver-Boulder, CO
|
16
|
39%
|
$64,488
|
$50,097
|
New York–Northeastern NJ
|
17
|
38%
|
$79,757
|
$59,797
|
Lincoln, NE
|
18
|
38%
|
$50,401
|
$41,837
|
Santa Cruz, CA
|
19
|
38%
|
$64,801
|
$48,186
|
Tallahassee, FL
|
20
|
38%
|
$59,380
|
$46,715
|
Worcester, MA
|
21
|
37%
|
$60,723
|
$48,465
|
TABLE 2: METROPOLITAN AREAS WITH THE SMALLEST
SHARE OF WORKERS WITH A COLLEGE DEGREE
|
Rank
|
Percentage with college degree
|
Salary of college graduates
|
Salary of high school graduates
|
Mansfield, OH
|
286
|
17%
|
$53,047
|
$35,815
|
Beaumont–Port Arthur–Orange, TX
|
287
|
17%
|
$58,234
|
$38,352
|
Rocky Mount, NC
|
288
|
16%
|
$52,330
|
$34,329
|
Stockton, CA
|
289
|
16%
|
$59,651
|
$37,928
|
Fort Smith, AR/OK
|
290
|
16%
|
$50,937
|
$33,187
|
Ocala, FL
|
291
|
16%
|
$47,361
|
$32,725
|
Yuba City, CA
|
292
|
16%
|
$56,403
|
$34,999
|
Modesto, CA
|
293
|
15%
|
$60,563
|
$36,126
|
Waterbury, CT
|
294
|
15%
|
$54,651
|
$37,280
|
Brownsville–Harlingen–San Benito, TX
|
295
|
15%
|
$43,800
|
$22,450
|
McAllen-Edinburg-Pharr-Mission, TX
|
296
|
15%
|
$44,605
|
$22,845
|
Anniston, AL
|
297
|
15%
|
$48,928
|
$33,031
|
Yakima, WA
|
298
|
15%
|
$50,160
|
$29,084
|
Bakersfield, CA
|
299
|
14%
|
$65,775
|
$34,807
|
Danville, VA
|
300
|
14%
|
$42,665
|
$28,868
|
Houma-Thibodaux, LA
|
301
|
14%
|
$56,044
|
$37,395
|
Vineland-Milville-Bridgetown, NJ
|
302
|
13%
|
$57,668
|
$35,375
|
Flint, MI
|
303
|
12%
|
$43,866
|
$28,797
|
Visalia-Tulare-Porterville, CA
|
304
|
12%
|
$55,848
|
$29,335
|
Yuma, AZ
|
305
|
11%
|
$52,800
|
$28,049
|
Merced, CA
|
306
|
11%
|
$62,411
|
$29,451
|
Or compare Boston, third from the top, with
Flint, fourth from the bottom. Both have a proud industrial past, but their
economies are now at opposite ends of the spectrum. Boston, with four times the
number of college graduates, is heavily dependent on innovation and finance.
Flint, with one of the smallest concentrations of human capital in the nation,
is still focused on traditional manufacturing, primarily cars. A college
graduate in Boston makes on average $75,173, or 75 percent more than the salary
of a similar worker in Flint. Of course, the relationship between innovation
and salaries is not perfect. Stamford’s wealth is mostly due to financial
services, while salaries in Raleigh, one of the world’s top innovation hubs,
are relatively low. Nevertheless, there is a clear tendency for cities with
many college-educated residents to have a local economy with a great deal of
innovation and good salaries.
Possibly the most remarkable fact shown by these
tables is that high school graduates in the top group often make more than college graduates in the bottom group. The average worker
with a high school education living in Boston makes $62,423, or 44 percent more
than a college graduate in Flint. A high school graduate in San Jose earns
$68,009, thousands of dollars more than college-educated workers in Merced,
Yuma, Danville, and all the other cities at the bottom. In other words, the
disparity between cities is so large that it can dominate the disparity between
levels of education. This underscores the fact that wage differences in the
United States have as much to do with geography as they have to do with social
class.
Today, America’s economic map shows not one but
three Americas. At one end of the spectrum are the brain hubs in Table 1, with
high salaries for both skilled and unskilled workers. At the other extreme are
communities in Table 2, with low skill levels and declining labor markets. In
the middle, a number of cities appear undecided about which direction to take,
as their future could go either way. Note that it is not just that brain hubs
pay high average salaries because they have many college-educated residents and
these residents earn high salaries. There is something more at play here. Brain
hubs pay high average salaries to nonskilled workers
too. Thus, a worker’s education has an effect not just on her own salary but
also on the entire community around her.
How can this be possible? One answer is that the
cost of living in cities like San Jose, Raleigh-Durham, and Austin is higher
than in Flint or Merced, and high school graduates need to be compensated to
live there. This is true—higher cost of living does offset some of these
differences—but it is not the whole story. It explains why there are still
people in Flint and Merced and why not everyone has moved to San Jose,
Raleigh-Durham, and Austin. But it does not explain why there are still
employers in San Jose, Raleigh-Durham, and Austin. Why should employers,
especially those who compete nationally, put up with such high labor costs to be
in these locations? We will come back to the issue of cost of living and what
it means for people’s standard of living. But first we need to dig a little
deeper into the relationship between a city’s educational level and its
economic prospects. What explains it, and what does it mean for communities?
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